Thursday, August 27, 2020

Emergence of China as a Global Trading Power Essay

Rise of China as a Global Trading Power - Essay Example At the point when the most recent prudent development and advancement of new rising nations is talked about, two nations' names rise up out of no place. These are India and China. The development in the exchange area of these two nations is shockingly tremendous. In the event that this is somewhat because of advancement in the zone of science and innovation, there is much likewise that goes for various changes, changes, and redefinition of exchange strategies and global exchange relations. Also, there is much on the credit of Chinese unmistakable social and the board rehearses which makes this nation a one of a kind contextual investigation (Menkhoff and Gerke, pp. 87-89, 2002). The current paper takes a gander at the issue of the improvement of China in the business universe of the ongoing occasions; China is prone to request a solid voice in the WTO because of its significant job in present day exchange activities (Kennedy, p. 75, 2002). The paper, henceforth, attempts broad exploration to research the foundations for the improvement of China in exchange systems. The paper unequivocally presents the quantity of speculations of exchange which have in any case any connect to the current development of China in overall exchange. Toward the finish of the paper, the investigation examinations the information subjectively and makes proposals and suggestion in the light of the reasons for exchange development of China. These proposals and suggestions are intended to add to the current writing of exchange hypotheses and improvement; just as, they center to add to a more extensive comprehension of Chinese development. They are additionally intended to center those nations which may need to follow China for the practical development. Exchange Theories Reviewed Various scholars have worked out various hypotheses of exchange to adapt up to the difficulties of exchange. These scholars have posed such inquiries as can help exchange to be increasingly gainful, more sped up, progressively amazing, etc. This segment audits significant exchange hypotheses request to endure a basis which is, as indicated by the perspective of the current author, important to fathom China's development in the ongoing situation of exchange. Old style financial analyst appear to have guarded the Mercantilists' view that the fare of a nation ought to be put to however much increment as could reasonably be expected; then again, the imports of that nation ought to be put to however much diminish as could reasonably be expected. As indicated by Grimwade (2000), it was clearly conceivable just for one nation since one nation's fare surplus is another nation's import shortage which makes import and fare both an essential capacity of over fringe exchange (p. 30). Another complaint was made to Mercantilism was that dumping enormous stores of gold doesn't make a nation wealthier in light of the fact that gold doesn't give the residents to merchandise which could fulfill their needs (p. 30). Along these lines, this pattern met a passing because of its lose-lose reasoning of exchange. Next is the similar bit of leeway. As indicated by this hypothesis (by Smith), contrasts in costs as the bases for business are distinguished. To thi s Grimwade

Saturday, August 22, 2020

Compare and Contrast between the Politics and Theories of Plato and Research Paper

Look into between the Politics and Theories of Plato and the Politics and hypotheses of Aristotle, Mentioning the Simil - Research Paper Example It involves more than passing premium that Plato and Aristotle are so intently tied - Aristotle having gained from Plato - since the two contrast so in a general sense in a considerable lot of their convictions and speculations regardless of the similitudes that no uncertainty are owing to their own affiliation. For the connection among Plato and Aristotle was one of ace and student, likewise with the connection among Socrates and Plato. â€Å"Aristotle had sat at (Plato’s) feet, and tuned in to his talks; nor would he be able to, whenever had been squeezed, have done in any case than recognize Plato†¦for ‘his ace in humanis,’ and pre-famously in politicis† (Barker, v).1 Placed in a cutting edge setting, their convictions concerning the state and the thought of morals in governmental issues resound effectively in the present. One need just harp on the political (and individual) hubris that offered ascend to the Watergate embarrassment and ensuing maltr eatment of Constitutional force in the Reagan and both Bush organizations. Legislative issues, Plato accepted, was indistinguishable from ethical quality; for Aristotle, the harmonious nature among state and resident depended on the possibility that Name 2 the two sides act in the benefit of all. The plunders of oppressive and unreliable states demonstrate that cutting edge manifestations of government have veered a long way from Plato and Aristotle’s originations of the â€Å"good† city-state. Accordingly, an assessment of the likenesses and contrasts between their speculations is as yet enlightening inside the setting of advanced political and administrative morals. For example, Plato doubted the rich, who would in general keep their best interests in mind before that of the express, a worry that echoes in the ongoing damaging offenses of Wall Street. In any case, endless models have demonstrated that Plato’s faith in a sole ruler, even a logician lord ( "enlightened† is, all things considered, a relative term) can never encourage the support of all classes †Aristotle’s blended and participatory government, notwithstanding its defects, takes into consideration shrewd and educated people to get engaged with the procedures of government. Legislative issues and government Sacrifice, explicitly altruism, is a characteristic inferred in the Aristotelian Democratic perfect. â€Å"Even if the end is the equivalent for an individual and for a city-express, that of the city-state appears at any rate more prominent and progressively complete to accomplish and safeguard. For in spite of the fact that it is qualified to achieve it for just an individual, it is nobler and progressively perfect to do as such for a country or city-state† (Miller, 2011).2 As a common ethical quality, it would not be conceivable without the objectivity and reason of the law, formalized in a constitution. Reason is one of Aristotle’s f ive speculations of governmental issues, a point whereupon he and Plato agreed. â€Å"Aristotle concurs with Plato’s decree that, at whatever point a framework contains a balanced component, it is proper for it to lead over the non-objective Name 3 section, on the grounds that the reasonable component alone

Friday, August 21, 2020

The core marketing concepts and various elements of marketing process Essay

The center promoting ideas and different components of showcasing process received by Apple - Essay Example Apple is one of the best organizations of the present world in the electronic business (O'Grady 2009, p.5). Truth be told, the organization has seen enormous development since 1984 turning into an easily recognized name. All these are credited to the showcasing ideas and procedures it embraced so as to arrive at its focused on clients. Gill Amello, the previous CEO of the organization brought up that Apple’s promoting ideas depend on the shortage and social verification powers (O'Grady 2009, p.5). In such manner, all together for the organization to arrive at its planned clients, it embraced the ‘Golden Circle† advertising methodology, which involved the why, how, and what. The â€Å"why† suggests that everything that Apple do is planned for changing business as usual and suspecting uniquely in contrast to the remainder of the contenders. The â€Å"how† relates to the items fabricated by the organization. In such manner, Apple has been at the bleeding edge in making quality and flawlessly structured items, which are easy to understand to the clients. This has seen the organization outcompete a large number of its adversaries in the business. The â€Å"what† has to do with the PCs, wherein the organization has guaranteed that every one of its PCs are of high caliber and reasonable to its clients as per O'Grady (2009, p.6). Apple has likewise utilized innovation as its primary promoting apparatus focused at arriving at the early adopters who at that point advertises the items to the remainder of the individuals (O'Grady 2009, p.7). This idea is named the Law of Diffusion of Innovation. To accomplish this, Apple has a group of specialists that breaks down the necessities, needs of clients, and receives inventive innovation as per their requirements. This has been seen in the mainstream iPhone and iPads, which have in fact changed the world. With these advances, Apple has made it understood to its clients that no other conten der can coordinate it regarding quality and incentive for cash (O'Grady 2009, p.7). Be that as it may, when the items have arrived at the early adopters, these clients wrap up by spreading the uplifting news about Apple’s items to the remainder of the world. Source: O'Grady, J.D. (2009), Apple Inc. West Port, CT: ABC-CLIO. Thirdly, Apple accepts that the way to progress lies on being unique in relation to different players in the market while simultaneously downplaying the requirements and needs of clients. Apple is one of the organizations that have confronted numerous difficulties over the previous decade as was seen in the disappointment of Macs to get in an industry overwhelmed by PC. The disappointment was ascribed to the way that the architects and engineers of Macs expected that they knew the requirements of clients, which was not the situation. Apple changed the circumstance towards the finish of 1990s with the presentation of iMac, which came in a few excellent hues. This resounded well with the requirements of clients, along these lines seeing its deals go up. Moreover, iMacs was additionally generally welcomed by clients in light of the fact that getting into the web with it was very simple and quicker instead of the Mac. This is on the grounds that iMac just needs a module to the line of the telephone, an element, which enticed web clients (O'Grady 2009, p.9). Apple likewise considered taking advantage of another market by presenting new creations that are increasingly productive and savvy to clients. It is noticed that when Macintosh was presenting the iPod in the market, there was at that point the mp3 player. This gave iPod a ton of rivalry for clients. Subsequently,

Tuesday, May 26, 2020

Religion Of Christianity, Judaism, And The Existence Of...

Monotheist A monotheist is one that believes that there is only one God. Monotheists usually share the religion of Christianity, Judaism, or Islam. I happen to share the religion of Christianity and believe that there is only one God. I’m going to prove that no other Gods exist except for one. For the atheist and the polytheist, I will show you why your belief is false, and why you should change your belief to a monotheistic belief. First, I want to start with the three reasons why I believe that there is only one God. My first reasons I believe that there is only one god is because of DNA and the earths equilibrium. Next, I believe that paranormal activity exists, and lastly the existence of the bible. DNA is a complex genetic code that defines every aspect of a living thing that exist on this earth. Every human being and every living animal require a genetic code that stays true to that specific species. For example, there are about 7.5billion humans that exists on this planet alone. Of those 7.5billion people each and every one of them has a different genetic makeup that defines everyone in their own different way. The pure existence of DNA requires a creator, an intelligent thinker. To be an atheist, you have to believe that all living things just appeared, or an asteroid crashed into the earth and was intelligent enough to create a living organism. Only someone who knew what they were doing could have created something so complex and intricate. Also to believe thatShow MoreRelatedChristianity, Hinduism, And Islam1054 Words   |  5 PagesEvery religion has its own goal, and their own believes, however there are also many similarities in their believes. Although the followers of Judaism, Christianity, and Islam may see things differently, they basically hold the same values and codes. To Islam, the Prophet Mohammad’s teaching is a â€Å"complete and final revelation†. On the other hand, according to the bible, Christianity believes that Jesus Ch rist is the true lord and savior will grant you the access to heaven in the afterlife. JudaismRead MoreComparison Between Judaism And Christianity1711 Words   |  7 PagesJewish Faith and Practice Comparison of Judaism and Christianity Judaism and Christianity may be completely different religions, but they along with many differences there are many similarities between the religions. Religions may vary from culture to culture, but mostly all are based on the same principle; that there is something greater than us that we all should believe in. Being that this is such a widespread belief, you would think that all religions would have some kind of common groundRead MoreThe Three Major Religions Essay1429 Words   |  6 PagesThe Major Religions Judaism, Christianity and Islamic Humanities 101 August 28, 2010 Strayer University The major religions in the world are Judaism, Christianity, and Islam. Judaism, Christianity, and Islam are monotheistic religions, namely they believe that there is only one God. All three religions believe that this God is the origin and source of all that exists. God cares about the entire creation and desires the well-being of all. God is just and has provided basicRead MoreSimilarities Between Christianity And Islam1332 Words   |  6 PagesEvery religion has its own goal, and their own path and belief to reach their goals. However, there are many similarities in beliefs. Although the followers of Judaism, Christianity, and Islam may see things differently, they all fundamentally hold the same values and codes. To Islam, the Prophet Mohammad’s teaching is a complete and final revelation. On the other hand, according to the bible, Christianity believes that Jesus Christ is the true lord and savior that will grant you the access to heavenRead MoreChristianity And Judaism : Christianity Vs. Judaism Essay1706 Words   |  7 PagesChristianity vs. Judaism â€Å"If you take away the Jewish contribution to Christianity, there would be no Christianity. Judaism does not need Christianity to explain its existence; Christianity, however, cannot explain its existence without Judaism.† – John Hagee This quote synthesizes that Judaism was a foundation of Christianity. This is the fundamental reason they are the same; however, there are numerous reasons Judaism and Christianity are different. Comparing how these two religions justify theRead MoreChristian, Islam, and Judaism1397 Words   |  6 Pages2133 – W03 April 19, 2008 Christianity, Judaism, and Islam Every religion has its own goal, and their own path and believe to reach their goals, however there are also many similarities in believes. Although the followers of Judaism, Christianity, and Islam may see things differently, they all fundamentally hold the same values and codes. To Islam, the Prophet Mohammad’s teaching is a complete and final revelation. On the other hand, according to the bible, Christianity believes that Jesus ChristRead MoreIn Judaism, GodS Word Is Found In The Hebrew Bible (Or1524 Words   |  7 PagesIn Judaism, God s word is found in the Hebrew Bible (or Old Testament), written entirely in Hebrew, except for a few chapters or verses that are in Aramaic, the Semitic language related to Hebrew. This is the most transled and most read worldwide book. The Bible is divided into: Torah (the five books of Moses), Nevi’im (Prophets) and Ketuvim (writings, Psalms). In rabbinic literature the word Torah it is common to refer to the entire Bible. The sacred book of Judaism is the Torah, which consistsRead MoreJudaism, Christianity, And Islam1052 Words   |  5 PagesAubrey Fletcher 3/9/15 Humanities Professor Michaud 417868 Judaism, Christianity, and Islam There are roughly 4,200 different religions in the world today, among them the largest are Judaism, Christianity, and Islam. These three religions are more similar then one would think. Christianity is the largest religion in the world with 2 billion followers and are called Christians. Islam is the second largest religion in the world with 1.3 billion followers. They are called Muslims, which means â€Å"oneRead MoreEssay about Atheism1742 Words   |  7 Pagesraging, three headed beast-like god, one only needs to look at the caliber of people who say they serve him. They are always of two classes: fools and hypocrites†(Jefferson). Atheism is the belief that God does not exist and Judaism believes in only a unitary God and Christianity believes in the Trinity of God. This natural progression might be thought of as the stair steps to truth, but whose truth is the real question we need to answer, and I can assure you that it cannot be answered in a mere 8Read MoreConflict Be tween Islam And Christianity945 Words   |  4 Pagessometimes, or a sign of prejudice. When it comes to religions, the situation escalates to be a real serious issue. Islam, and since its existence, has faced many struggles with many people who think of it as an outrageous religion that pushes people to kill, treat unfairly, and think criminally. However, Islam by name is a message of peace. The word Islam was taken from the word Salam, which simply means peace in Arabic. Additionally, the ideal of this religion is to worship one god –Allah– and believe that

Friday, May 15, 2020

How to Study Phrasal Verbs - Strategy Verb Examples

Learning phrasal verbs is one of the most challenging tasks for English learners. Teachers can use this introducing phrasal verbs lesson plan to help students become more familiar with phrasal verbs and start building phrasal verb vocabulary. This phrasal verbs reference list will also get you started with short definitions of approximately 100 of the most common phrasal verbs. Finally, there are a wide variety of phrasal verb resources on the site to help you learn new phrasal verbs. Phrasal verbs quickly become confusing for a few reasons: One main verb many prepositions - Just think of the verb to get, heres a short list: get into, get through, get to, get into, get by, etc.One phrasal verb, different meanings - Consider the phrasal verb pick up: pick up learn, pick up physically fetch, pick up purchase, etc.One phrasal verb, literal, figurative and idiomatic meanings - How about the verb put up: put up / literal physically place on a shelf, put up / figurative provide a place to sleep, put up / idiomatic deal with a situationSeparable or inseparable? - Look after - inseparable / look over - separable. Its very difficult to learn which phrasal verbs separate and which dont! Lets start with the introductory list of problem areas for phrasal verbs from above. For each phrasal verb you learn. Ask yourself these four questions: Which other phrasal verbs do I know that begin with this main verb?What is the literal meaning of this phrasal verb, the figurative meaning, and the idiomatic meaning? - Not all phrasal verbs have multiple meanings, but many do!Is this phrasal verb separable or inseparable?Can I write (or speak) a few example sentences with this phrasal verb? Heres a look at 5 common phrasal verbs. Its a good list to start with, and it will help you learn to consider these various factors when learning phrasal verbs. Ill provide answers on each of the questions (in a shortened form). When you are done, use the example form to study on your own. You can either copy the form onto a piece of paper, or copy and paste into a new document. Perhaps you can even save the document with multiple blank entries so you can continue to use this method to learn phrasal verbs. Make your own phrasal verb dictionary! Note: Not all phrasal verbs with other prepositions are listed for each main verb. That would be impossible! Try to think of as many phrasal verbs with other prepositions as you can for each of your own entries. Phrasal Verb: Get Into Other phrasal verbs with this verb?get to, get by, get through, get over, get at, get away withLiteral, figurative, idiomatic meaning?Literal: to open a box, drawer or other containerFigurative: to discuss somethingIdiomatic: to enjoySeparable or Inseparable?InseparableExample sentences:I used a key to get into the house.Lets get into the reasons why were going to win this case.He really got into the concert! Phrasal Verb: Look Forward To Other phrasal verbs with this verb?look away, look through, look to, look at, look overLiteral, figurative, idiomatic meaning?Literal: To look at something in the front (not used often)Figurative: To eagerly anticipateSeparable or Inseparable?InseparableExample sentences:I look forward to seeing you soon.Susan looks forward to her vacation in July. Phrasal Verb: Put Off Other phrasal verbs with this verb?put on, put over, put up, put through, put awayLiteral, figurative, idiomatic meaning?Figurative: to postpone somethingIdiomatic: to make someone not likeSeparable or Inseparable?SeparableExample sentences:Lets put the meeting off until next week.Her attitude put me off. Phrasal Verb: Make Out Other phrasal verbs with this verb?make to, make through, make up, make offLiteral, figurative, idiomatic meaning?Figurative: to see in the distanceIdiomatic: to kiss a lotSeparable or Inseparable?Figurative: Separable Idiomatic: Inseparable (does not take an object)Example sentences:Can you make the island out in the distance?They made out for thirty minutes. It was disgusting! Phrasal Verb: Take Off Other phrasal verbs with this verb?take up, take over, take to, take inLiteral, figurative, idiomatic meaning?Literal: to disrobe - take clothing off your bodyFigurative: to be successfulIdiomatic: to not go to work, take leisure timeSeparable or Inseparable?Separable (Figurative: Inseparable)Example sentences:I took my coat off and entered the room.The new products took off. We sold more than 300,000 in just one month!I need to take some time off work. Continue to the next page for a blank worksheet that you can copy and use for your own phrasal verb study. Feel free to print as many copy as you need! Phrasal Verb: _____ Other phrasal verbs with this verb?Literal, figurative, idiomatic meaning?Literal:Figurative:Idiomatic:Separable or Inseparable?Example sentences: Phrasal Verb: _____ Other phrasal verbs with this verb?Literal, figurative, idiomatic meaning?Literal:Figurative:Idiomatic:Separable or Inseparable?Example sentences: Phrasal Verb: _____ Other phrasal verbs with this verb?Literal, figurative, idiomatic meaning?Literal:Figurative:Idiomatic:Separable or Inseparable?Example sentences: Phrasal Verb: _____ Other phrasal verbs with this verb?Literal, figurative, idiomatic meaning?Literal:Figurative:Idiomatic:Separable or Inseparable?Example sentences: Phrasal Verb: _____ Other phrasal verbs with this verb?Literal, figurative, idiomatic meaning?Literal:Figurative:Idiomatic:Separable or Inseparable?Example sentences:

Wednesday, May 6, 2020

A Brief Note On Cyberbullying And Other Types Of...

Before one can understand cyberbullying, he or she must first know the signs and characteristics of traditional bullying. According to Nansel (2001) and Olweus (1993), bullying is characterized by intentional behavior that is meant to cause pain, both physical and emotional, to another person due to an imbalance of social or physical power. There are two forms of traditional bullying: direct and indirect. Direct bullying is characterized by physical attacks, such as hitting and kicking; it is also characterized by non-physical attacks, such as teasing. The characteristics of indirect bullying are less obvious but much more common among adolescents. Indirect bullying often involves spreading of rumors, friendship manipulation, and pretending a person does not exist. Cyberbullying has extremely similar characteristics to indirect bullying. It is often characterized by rumor-spreading and shunning, but it has unique characteristics as well. The different types of cyberbullying in clude flaming, harassment, impersonation, trickery, denigration, ostracism, happy slapping, and cyberstalking. Flaming is an online war between two or more people. It is characterized by the sending of angry or rude comments to a person who backlashes and returns the favor. This happens repeatedly and both the bully, and the bullied are negatively affected. In denigration, a cyberbully will post untrue information on a public website or social networking site. The information posted may beShow MoreRelatedHello4579 Words   |  19 PagesBullying Student’s Name Here XXXX University Introduction There are so many incidents on television where teenagers are being bullied via Facebook and other online sources. Almost every adolescent has access to the internet nowadays and most of them have a mobile phone. Therefor it is not surprising, that  cyberbullying or  bullying  through these new communication technologies is increasing. In order to put cyberbullies to a stop it is necessary to know, who these teenagers are, what they doRead MoreSocial Legal and Economic Impact of Ebusiness in Ireland13799 Words   |  56 PagesBenefits 17 Social Impact of eBusiness – Negatives 18 Internet Piracy 18 Internet and the Elderly 18 Cyberbullying 19 Gambling and Adult Sites 19 Shops are Closing and Staff are being made redundant 20 Introduction – Legal Impact 21 Legal Impact of eBusiness – Positives 21 Online Payment Processing 21 Legal Impact of e-business – Negatives 23 Online Piracy of Copyrighted Material 23 Types of Piracy 23 Cases which hit the Headlines 23 Legislation to Combat Piracy 24 Proposed Irish LeglislationRead MoreWireless Technology Essay16392 Words   |  66 PagesAnnabelle Franklin DeVry University Tech, Society and Culture LAS432 Professor Laurence Hornibrook Table of Contents Introduction to Wireless Technology 4 Overview of Wireless Technology 5 Science that Drove Wireless Development 6 Signal Types 10 Wireless Network Infrastructure 12 History of Wireless Technology 15 Social Factors that Drove Wireless Technology 19 Wireless Technology Timeline 24 Political Effects on Development 28 Legal Issues Related to Wireless Technology 30 Read MoreSocial Networking Sites-Boon/Bane15517 Words   |  63 Pagesmudslinging competition and a crash course in the choicest Hindi expletives. Social networking sites Orkut and Facebook have become a fertile ground for scores of groups based on ethnicity and caste. Key in the word caste into either site, or indeed others, and up pops a cascading list of virtual caste colonies, some of which aim to unite members and some which spew venom. Orkut has thousands of these communities — for instance, Brahmins Culture and Tradition , I Hate Intercaste Marriage and The

Tuesday, May 5, 2020

Advantages of Social Media over Business-Free-Samples for Students

Question: Write a Reflection on advantages and disadvantages of social media over business. Answer: It has been observed that social media plays crucial role in the success of business. While comparing the traditional approaches for increasing the efficiency of the organization with social media networks, I have learnt that social media networks have the capability to uplift the customer base and it also leads to increase in the opportunities to attain the sustainable growth in the dynamic business environment. These platforms are used for the purpose of promotion and marketing. These are also effective in terms of attaining competitive advantage. Unique roles of social media and its related networks are effective communication, effective decision making process and it covers a large area of the target market in terms of promotion and advertisement techniques. Major focus of this reflection will be based over the limitations and benefits of social media network in business context (Eriksson Kovalainen, 2015). I have realised that social media has been considered as an effective tool for communicating amongst the subordinates and with the other stakeholders. With the help of social media platforms, organization could easily spread information and awareness amongst the target audience in relation to their products and services. After analysing the previous tasks, I realised that social media is a useful element for business entities and at the same time, it also leads to certain losses or disadvantages. Activities like market research, analysing customer insights, building interaction amongst team members, building team coordination and determining the demands of customers could be done in an effective manner through which organization could be able to attain its goals adequately. Apart from these advantages, application of social media leads to sundry disadvantages such as it affects the decision making process of the organization and according to the analysis conducted, it has been observ ed that social media and its related platforms leads to cyber-attacks, hacking, negative feedbacks and reviews from customers, etc. (Bharati, Zhang Chaudhury, 2015). I have learnt that social media and its related platforms could be utilised in various manners. These are mainly accessed through internet and are capable enough to transfer information from organization to the customers easily and effectively (Bryman Bell, 2015). I have observed that business corporations are using social media networks with the motive of uplifting the demand of organizational products and services in the target market (Bryman, 2015). Apart from this, these networks are also used for attracting the target audience towards the organization and its products. While experiencing the process of social media, I personally found it bit complicated as it has two sides i.e. positive and negative. Positive side of the social media is quite beneficial while the other side of the process leads to sundry disadvantages. Thus, while adopting social media networks into business, it is necessary to evaluate all its factors so that expected outcomes could be gained. With the help of social media platforms, organization could adopt effective communication systems which plays crucial role in order to increase the efficiency of the organization. Communication system will allows all stakeholders of the company to share their views, opinions and feedbacks to the company regarding their services, products, etc. Stakeholders views and opinions will help the organization to develop their strategies on the basis of those feedbacks and views which will direct the company towards sustainable growth and development. Social media platforms have generated big opportu nities for business entities as expansion of the organization in the overseas market has become quite easy (Jones, Borgman Ulusoy, 2015). For trading in the overseas market without establishing the separate outlet in the target market, organization could use social media platforms. It has been observed that social media has developed an important position in the modern corporations business model. In the previous assessments, impact of social media has been analysed on Manhattan Mocha which is a small caf situated in Manhattan, New York. Since, its opening in 2015, company has set up 15 stores across the United States. This has majorly been done with the help of social media platforms. Organization has utilised this platform in an appropriate manner in order to gain competitive advantage as well as to expand the business. With the objective of increasing the presence of caf in other parts of United States and in the overseas markets, management of the caf adopted various trending and effective social media platforms so as to increase their efficiency. Along with these advantages, social media networks also lead to huge risks. Hacking, cyber-attacks, leakage of companys secret information and negative reviews obtained from customers over social media platforms, etc. All these factors could affect the organizational performance in negative manner, thus, it is required to adopt certain strategies which could help the corporations to execute their functionalities in appropriate manner. I have learnt that social media is responsible for the success of the business entities whereas it is equally responsible for the failure as well. This is because after a certain point of time, it is necessary for an organization to expand its business in the further domestic and international markets which could generate positive outcomes. In my opinion, management need to impose certain restrictions over usage of social media platforms in order to increase the efficiency of the organization as well as for gaining the desired outcomes. I have learnt that this will help the organization to improve its communication procedure and it will also help the organization to attain its desired goals and the objectives along with increasing the market share and customer base in the overseas market (He, et. al., 2015). Social medias growth could be measured with the help of analysing the marketing strategies adopted by the organizations. I have realised that most of the companies have adopted social media as their primary marketing tool for attaining the desired outcomes along with setting up an effective position in the target market. Market of social media is increasing continuously and the major rise in the social media platforms was noticed from the launching of smartphones. From then, smartphones demand is increasing rapidly and according to a research conducted in 2017, it was observed that approximately 2.14 billion smartphones are available in the market and it has also been observed that most of applications installed in the smartphones are related with social media. With the help of social media platforms, users could easily communicate with each other (Khatri, et. al., 2015). References Bharati, P., Zhang, W. and Chaudhury, A., 2015. Better knowledge with social media? Exploring the roles of social capital and organizational knowledge management.Journal of Knowledge Management,19(3), pp.456-475. Bryman, A. and Bell, E., 2015.Business research methods. Oxford University Press, USA. Bryman, A., 2015.Social research methods. Oxford university press. Eriksson, P. and Kovalainen, A., 2015.Qualitative methods in business research: A practical guide to social research. Sage. He, W., Wu, H., Yan, G., Akula, V. and Shen, J., 2015. A novel social media competitive analytics framework with sentiment benchmarks.Information Management,52(7), pp.801-812. Jones, N., Borgman, R. and Ulusoy, E., 2015. Impact of social media on small businesses.Journal of Small Business and Enterprise Development,22(4), pp.611-632. Khatri, C., Chapman, S.J., Glasbey, J., Kelly, M., Nepogodiev, D., Bhangu, A., Fitzgerald, J.E. and STARSurg Committee, 2015. Social media and internet driven study recruitment: evaluating a new model for promoting collaborator engagement and participation.PloS one,10(3), p.e0118899

Monday, April 13, 2020

Basic Facts about a Starfishs Biology and Behavior

Basic Facts about a Starfish's Biology and Behavior Starfish are star-shaped invertebrates that can be a variety of shapes, sizes, and colors. You might be most familiar with starfish that live in tide pools in the intertidal zone, but some live in deep water. Classification Kingdom: AnimaliaPhylum: EchinodermataClass: Asteroidea Background Even though they are commonly called starfish, these animals are known more scientifically as sea stars. They do not have gills, fins, or even a skeleton. Sea stars have a tough, spiny covering and a soft underside. If you turn over a live sea star, youll likely see its hundreds of tube feet wiggling. There are over 2,000 species of sea stars, and they come in all sizes, shapes, and colors. Their most noticeable characteristic is their arms. Many sea star species have five arms, but some, like the sun star, can have up to 40. Distribution Sea stars live in all the worlds oceans. They can be found in tropical to polar habitats, and from deep to shallow water. Visit a local tide pool, and you may be lucky enough to find a sea star! Reproduction Sea stars may reproduce sexually or asexually. There are male and female sea stars, but they are indistinguishable from one another. They reproduce by releasing sperm or eggs into the water, which, once fertilized, become free-swimming larvae that later settle to the ocean bottom. Sea stars reproduce asexually by regeneration. A sea star can regenerate an arm  and nearly its entire body if at least a portion of the sea stars central disc remains. Sea Star Vascular System Sea stars move using their tube feet and have an advanced water vascular system that they use to fill up their feet with sea water. They do not have blood but instead take in seawater through the sieve plate, or madreporite, located on top of the sea star, and use that to fill up their feet. They can retract their feet using muscles or use them as suction to hold onto a substrate or its prey. Sea Star Feeding Sea stars feed on bivalves like clams and mussels, and other animals such as small fish, barnacles, oysters, snails, and limpets. They feed by grasping their prey with their arms and extruding their stomach through their mouth and outside their body, where they digest the prey. They then slide their stomach back into their body.

Wednesday, March 11, 2020

Noel Gallagher Essays - Oasis, Noel Gallagher, Tony McCarroll

Noel Gallagher Essays - Oasis, Noel Gallagher, Tony McCarroll Noel Gallagher I believe that it is the music of our time that will be remembered long after we are gone, and it is bands like Oasis that led the revolution which took place recently. Oasis, headed by brothers Liam and Noel Gallagher was the first band after The Beatles to lash out against what had become the normal way a band should be, and that is why they will be known for years to come as the band who changed rock music. Noel Gallagher was born on May 29, 1967 in Manchester, he was the second son of Thomas and Margaret Gallagher. Thomas, Tommy to the boys at the pub, was a construction worker. He and his wife, known to her pals as Peggy, resided in the working-class Manchester suburb called Burnage with their first boy, Paul. "God was playing a joke when He made me," Noel Gallagher once said. "You know, 'Let's make this guy a writer and a guitar player, but let's make him write with his left hand but play with his right, and let's have him born in the middle of May and give him a Christmas name like Noel. Little did Noel know that when he grew up he was to become the frontman of one of the most influential rock bands in music history at a time when music was the most influential form of speech on the planet. Little Liam arrived in the Gallagher household five years later, on September 21, 1972. He and Noel were forced to share a bedroom, something that always bothered Noel to no end, seeing how Paul, just a year-and-a-half older than him, had his own room. But Liam and Noel made the best of it, and the bedroom saw the beginnings of the somewhat loving, often heated relationship between the brothers. The boys kept a running record of their childhood by scrawling on their wall, later described by Tommy as their "wonderwall", later to become the title of one of their biggest selling singles. Bits of songs, poems, favourite bands, football teams and the like were all immortalised on their bedroom wall. In addition to their love of football, the lads also became engrossed with rock'n'roll. Both Noel and Liam were big fans of tubby '70s glamrocker Alvin Stardust. "When he came on telly they'd mime along and pretend to be Alvin," their father remembers, "and I'd always catch them singing into hairbrushes and playing air guitar." Most important to Noel's musical growth was the North's all-time greatest band, the Beatles. Like many youngsters, the songsmith first fell in love with the Fab Four via their Red and Blue hits collections, and they formed the basis of his musical sensibility for years to come. "I was about six when I started hearing the Red Album " he recalled in an interview "They're songs to grow up with, really...The Red Album documents the Beatles as the greatest pop band ever and The Blue Album documents them as the greatest rock band ever." Noel's school life was problematic at best. While he was plainly a bright young man, he battled with a minor case of dyslexia, which, topped with the poor quality of Manchester's schools, was a dangerous combination. "School didn't really hold anything for me," he explained later. "I knew from a very early age what I wanted to be, I wanted to be a musician." A chronic childhood kidney infection gave Noel his first taste of standing apart from the crowd. Because of his ailment, young Noel was not required to adhere to his primary school's dress code. "I was the only kid allowed to wear long trousers," he remembered. "The others had these little grey shorts and I had these dead cool black skin-tight trousers with little Doc Martens. Everybody hated me." "I was a bit of a rogue when I was young," Noel once said, "I used to wag school and be into... glue sniffing and stuff. Then me and this lad robbed our corner shop, which is a very stupid thing to do, cos everyone knows exactly who you are.? Noel was put on probation and was grounded for six months. He had absolutely nothing to do so he just sat there playing one string on an acoustic guitar. ?I thought I was really good for about a year, until someone tuned it up. Then I thought, 'I can't play the thing at all now. I'm gonna have to start all over again. When Noel was around 13, he ordered his

Monday, February 24, 2020

24hrs Urinary Urea Nitrogen Practical Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

24hrs Urinary Urea Nitrogen Practical - Essay Example For example, a patient with a pathologically low blood pressure develops diminished urine flow. Nitrogen balance involves comparing nitrogen intake from foods and fluids with nitrogen excretion. Thus, nitrogen balance provides the clinician with an index of protein catabolism and a basis for assessing the adequacy of protein intake (Skipper, 1995; p. 86). In order to determine the nitrogen balance for each student in the group, data on the protein intake of these students must be acquired (Barakat et al., 2009) and inputed into the following formula: The dietary protein intake is best measured if the individual follows a standardized diet, that is, all the food that the individual eats must be measured before consumption, and duplicate meals must be prepared and analyzed for their nitrogen content (Manore et al., 2009; pp. 112-113). A minimum daily protein requirement is needed by the body to maintain its structural proteins, visceral proteins and immune competence. Conversely, when the body encounters certain stresses, its proteins also suffer level discrepancies. For example, starvation needs a progressive selection of fat as body fuel. Muscles stop utilizing glucose as soon as a meal is over and instead, fatty acids are used (Cahill, 1976). Ketoacid levels in blood become elevated over the first week, and the brain preferentially uses these instead of glucose. The net effect is to spare protein even further, as the brain further decreases the rate of using glucose. Nevertheless, there is still net negative nitrogen balance, but this can be nullified by amino acid or protein supplementation. In addition, protein kinetics are known to be accelerated in severe trauma. In fact, critically ill patients with major trauma demonstrate catabolism resulting in a net loss of body mass. Thus, the patient loses more nitrogen than is provided from nitrogen / protein sources (Wiliams & Shchlenker, 2003). The literature has varying ranges for the 24 hr UUN

Friday, February 7, 2020

Theories in Information Systems Coursework Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 5000 words

Theories in Information Systems - Coursework Example The behavior of actors like a particular individual or a whole organization upholds these institutions. One cognitive view advocates that a socialization process encodes a particular institution into a given actor. When the actor internalizes it, this transforms into a patterned behavior (script). Then the institution is reflected in this patterned behavior of the actor. This leads to the continuous reproduction of the institutions. When these institutions are enacted through the behavior of the actors, then other actors are able to witness this. This is the external manifestation of the institution which gives rise to a new process of socialization. However, after the passage of time, this externalization of the institutions through the behavior of its actors becomes an accepted fact. Then, the actors sometimes fail to realize their own behavior is actually reflective of an institution. Persons sharing the institution view it as perfectly logical for the behavior of the actors to be influenced by the institution.Organizational Learning Theory: This theory states that â€Å"in order to be competitive in a changing environment, organizations must change their goals and actions to reach those goals.† There are certain actions that the firm must consciously undertake to foster learning. When circumstances around it change, the firm must change its actions and it needs to be aware of the outcomes of its actions. The firm should be able to link its actions to their respective outcomes.... cultural explanations and an interest in properties of supra-individual units of analysis that cannot be reduced to aggregations or direct consequences of individuals’ attributes or motives.† The behavior of actors like a particular individual or a whole organization upholds these institutions. One cognitive view advocates that a socialization process encodes a particular institution into a given actor. When the actor internalizes it, this transforms into a patterned behavior (script). Then the institution is reflected through this patterned behavior of the actor. This leads to the continuous reproduction of the institutions. When these institutions are enacted through the behavior of the actors, then other actors are able to witness this. This is the external manifestation of the institution which gives rise to a new process of socialization. However, after the passage of time, this externalization of the institutions through the behavior of its actors becomes an accept ed fact. Then, the actors sometimes fail to realize their own behavior is actually reflective of an institution. Persons sharing the institution view it as perfectly logical for the behavior of the actors to be influenced by the institution. (York University 2010) Organizational Learning Theory: This theory states that â€Å"in order to be competitive in a changing environment, organizations must change their goals and actions to reach those goals.† There are certain actions that the firm must consciously undertake to foster learning. When circumstances around it change, the firm must change its actions and it needs to be aware of the outcomes of its actions. The firm should be able to link its actions to their respective outcomes. Under this theory, first the individuals participate in the initial

Wednesday, January 29, 2020

Describe with examples how different aspects of development can affect one another Essay Example for Free

Describe with examples how different aspects of development can affect one another Essay Example 1 A family of four attends a large family gathering. Their new addition to their family is 6 month old â€Å"Emily†. This â€Å"Emily’s first time out with people other than her family. While she is with her family, â€Å"Emily is happy, smiling and making cooing and babbling noises. She is aware and alert with the new environment that surrounds her, she is she moves her arms and legs vigorously to show her excitement. As this is her first social outing, she gets upset when someone she is not familiar with talks to her or plays with her. She starts to cry as this her way of showing that she is not familiar with this person and may be a little scared. Emily’s emotions affects her communication. Example 2 â€Å"John† is seventeen from a low wage, single parent family. He has a part-time job while studying to help out his mother financially. Unfortunately the Manager undermines, bullies him and takes credit for his work. â€Å"John† who is not used to dealing with difficult people in a working environment, may become withdrawn and quiet. He may keep his feelings towards his Manager to himself as he is afraid that he might lose his job that he desperately needs. Emotionally he feels depressed and unworthy. He is seen as ‘the man of the house’ and feels he cannot communicate his problems to his mother as he doesn’t want her to have the added pressure of dealing with his problem. His studying may also suffer as he worries about his mother’s financial situation and also his situation at work. Socially he has withdrawn from his friends as they may realise something is wrong is embarrassed to talk to them about it. Intellectually, his studies would have suffered as a result of his manager bullying and undermining him as he cannot concentrate.

Tuesday, January 21, 2020

The American Family: Then and Now Essay -- Sociology, American History

What exactly is a family? Some would say it is a father, mother, and possibly children, but is this an outdated definition? With the world adapting and changing at such a high rate, it proves difficult to create definite boundaries for what constitutes a family. As events that are either detrimental or beneficial to society occur, family lives adapt to better suit the current state. The differences in culture, religion and traditions can offer possible explanations for why families are not the same, locally and globally. Sociological relationships change to fit the people involved in them, so it only makes sense that family groups would differ by location. This paper will discuss the ways that families in America have evolved over time. Also, I will explain what occurrences caused the need for such changes. The comprehension of any new concept starts with a basic definition. According to Macionis, family is a â€Å"social institution found in all societies that unites people in cooperative groups to care for one another, including children† (2009:375). The diversity of families in America dates back to the colonial period. There were a variety of different family types that coexisted or competed in colonial America (Coontz 2005: 27). In this time period, the husband would work all day and leave the children at home with the mother. The mother, however would rarely tend to the children. She would do house work and leave the children with an older sibling or servant. This caused a lack of sentimental feelings in childhood because the mother was not the nurturer. Coontz states that among wealthy, white families specifically, the basis of the relationship was built on power, not love (2005: 28). The modernization and industrialization ... ...order for America to continue as a successful country, there will need to be strong family units who are prepared to face the downfalls that will come due to a changing government and economy. The success rates of a family, however, are much deeper than economic or government issues. Hard work, compassion, and communication are components that can be seen in almost any successful family at any time period. In striving to achieve these aspects of a family unit, America’s families would find much more stability than previously seen and be better equipped to face hard times. References Coontz, Stephanie. 2005. â€Å"The Way We Weren’t: The Myth and Reality of the â€Å"Traditional† Family.† National Forum: The Phi Kappa Phi Journal Summer: 27-34. Macionis, John J. Society: the Basics with Additional Readings in Sociology. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall.

Monday, January 13, 2020

Ethnic Intolerance Essay

The Yugoslavia collapse was a homemade tragedy. In sharp contrast to most of Balkan history, outside powers did not play a major role in stimulating Yugoslav division. Societies in which human development needs are threatened are ripe for conflict. In Yugoslavia ethnic groups misunderstood each others needs and desires. Political elites deliberately perpetuated and exploited conflicts between the general populace. The hypothesis of the essay is that the main propellant behind war in Yugoslavia was not ancient history and ancient hatreds but recent hatreds manipulated by elites. As it the case in all ethnic crises, it is possible to identify a wide rage of questions that have arisen during the course of Yugoslavia crises. In my opinion, there are some points of particular importance, where my paper will be based on. These are: (1) why has the ethnic hatred exploded now, after half a century of peaceful intermingling? (2) Are the roots and causes of the ethnic war ancient or recent? (3) Do politicians create nationalism, or does existing nationalism shape the political power struggle? I will handle the subject in four parts- `Socialist development and Yugoslavism`, ‘Post- Tito debate`, ‘New elites, old leaders’ policy (post-federalism)’, and ‘The slide toward disintegration’. Socialist development and Yugoslavism The Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (the SFRY) was born â€Å"Phoenix-like, †¦ rising from the ashes† (Judah 2000, p. 136) of the World War II to live under the iron presidency of a Communist Josip Broz Tito (1892-1980). Whatever controversial Tito’s political reputation is, researchers acknowledged that he was the only leader whose â€Å"wartime record, †¦ undeniable charisma and †¦ ability to stand up to the Soviets in 1948 to assert Yugoslav independence allowed †¦ for several decades to maintain at least an illusion of the country’s unity† (Kozhemiakin 1998, p. 73). Williams (1998, p. 48) insisted that the head of the re-born country, Josip Tito, â€Å"deliberately aimed to create an entirely different sort of state† in 1945, and one of the most significant differences was â€Å"the equal treatment of the various groups in the population and a down-playing of the nationalities issue† (Williams 1998, p. 48). According to Judah (2000), the chronology of an ethnic question in the Yugoslavia under Tito consists of three phases: 1945-66, 1966-74, and 1974-80. During the first period, the Communist leaders were rather successful in keeping the lid on the boiling pot of nationalism. The new Yugoslav federalism was created after the USSR model with its autonomous unites within the single state framework. Under the 1946 Constitution the SFRY consisted of six republics (Serbia, Croatia, Bosnia–Hercegovina, Montenegro, Macedonia and Slovenia) and two autonomous regions (the multi-national Autonomous Province of Vojvodina and the predominantly Shipetar, or Albanian Autonomous District of Kosovo-Metohija [KOSMET] within Serbia). Conversely, the Yugoslavia national identity consisted of six ‘nations,’ or â€Å"officially recognized groups with national homes in one of the federal republics† (Hudson 2003, p. 50): Serbs, Croats, Slovenes, Montenegrins, Macedonians and Muslims (those slavs who converted to Islam under Ottoman rule); eight ‘nationalities,’ or â€Å"officially recognized groups† who â€Å"had an internationally recognized national homeland outside Yugoslavia† (Hudson 2003, p. 50): Albanians, Hungarians, Bulgarians, Czechs, Italians, Romanians, Slovaks and Turks; two ‘nationalities’ – Roma and Ruthenians – who â€Å"did not have a national homeland outside Yugoslavia† (Hudson 2003, p. 50); and others (Austrians, Greeks, Jews, Germans, Poles, Russians, Ukrainians, Vlachs, etc.). It seems that the republican and district borders were established holding ethnic, historic and economic factors in view. Tito himself underlined that the aim of republican and district borders was not †¦ drawing a boundary line between this federal unit and the other, and now you on the other side shall do as you please, and I shall do as I please on my side of the boundary. No! These boundaries, figuratively speaking, should resemble the white lines on a marble column. The boundaries of the federated units within the federal state of Yugoslavia do not denote separatism but unity. (as cited in Judah 2000, p. 140) As Judah (2000, p. 137) noted, â€Å"Bosnia was restored, with its historic 1878 frontiers, in recognition of its mixed population and to prevent it becoming the renewed object of dispute between Serbs and Croats.† The Slavs of the Macedonian region were acknowledged to be neither Serbs nor Bulgarians, but a distinctive group, therefore the Macedonian republic was created to eliminate the possible â€Å"bone of contention† (Frankel 1955, p. 416) between Serbia and Bulgaria. Montenegro acquired a republican status â€Å"in recognition of its historic status and so partly to satisfy that portion of the population which resented being relegated to the position of a far-flung province of Serbia† (Judah 2000, p. 138). The large groups of the Albanians in Kosovo and the Hungarians in Vojvodina received ‘nationalities’ status because they had homelands outside Yugoslavia. The re-born Yugoslavia has never ceased to be a shelf stuffed with ‘skeletons’ of reciprocal convictions between different ethnic populations. However, until the mid-1960s people’s minds were occupied rather with the agrarian reform, Tito’s split with Stalin, and the economic innovation of self-management. A two-chamber legislature, the Federal People’s Assembly, consisted of a directly-elected Federal Council and a Council of Nationalities, comprising delegates from the assemblies of the republics (25 representatives of each Republic, 15 of the Autonomous Province, and 10 of the Autonomous District). The Federal People’s Assembly elected the Praesidium and the Executive Council. Tito has been occupying the seat of the Executive Council’s chairman for thirty-five years, and simultaneously he was the head of the Communist party. The 1946 SFRY Constitution granted equal power to both cameras of Federal People’s Assembly, and was said to rely on â€Å"the principles of equality and voluntariness† (Frankel 1955, p. 422): The Federal People’s Republic of Yugoslavia is a federal people’s State of republican form, a community of peoples equal in rights who, basing themselves on the right to self-determination, which includes the right to separation, have expressed a will to live together in a federal State. At the initial stage of the Yugoslav consolidation under the Communist dictatorship, the group in power was likely to understand that the state â€Å"should not rest on coercion, brute force, or realpolitik†: [The Communists] sought [legitimacy] in an explanatory creation myth: the new Yugoslav state had come into being as a result of â€Å"two kinds of solidarity, that of the Yugoslav nations who had united to fight the enemy, and that of the Partisan veterans, the stari borci, who had done the actual fighting.† (Bokovoy 1998, p. 36) The new Yugoslav leaders relied heavily on the concept of ‘bratsvo i jedinstvo’ (â€Å"brotherhood and unity†). It declared â€Å"that Yugoslavia would be strong, not because its peoples were one, but because they were many, and that strength was born of unity† (Judah 2000, p. 136). However, the concept of unity was treated in a rather original way. Lake and Rothchild (p. 105) paraphrased Djilas (1995) who stated that â€Å"the communist party served as the primary safeguard [to the treat of nationalism] in Yugoslavia, largely through coercion and repression.† A critical eye should not be blinded by the phrase about possible separation of any federal units. Elazar (1991, p. 176) stated that â€Å"the constitutional process in Yugoslavia is very centralized indeed.† As Burg (1982, p. 131) observed: The federal system was originally adopted by [the Yugoslav] leadership in order to accommodate the frustrated national aspirations of the Yugoslav peoples and thereby to mobilize national sentiment in support of the establishment of a socialist order. But commitment to a Stalinist model of development, and ideological conviction that that development would reduce and eventually eliminate the political salience of nationality, led the postwar Communist leadership to subordinate the constituent republics to a powerful federal center and to resist meaningful concessions to their national distinctiveness. (Burg 1982, p. 131) Tito and the Communists re-arranged the ethnic map of the country according to their ideological concerns. Soon after the end of WWII the Yugoslav government began to organize peasantry into cooperatives. The region of Vojvodina became the first experimental ground for collectivization. The leadership moved almost 300,000 Serbs from Croatia, Macedonia, and Bosnia-Hercegovina to Vojvodina to prove the effectiveness of a socialist agrarian experiment â€Å"with the hope of cultivating a Yugoslav identity† (Bokovoy 1998, p. 49). However, in the 1960s, the Yugoslav leadership was split by arguments about â€Å"the question of decentralisation, the introduction of certain market mechanisms and the related issue of increasing republican autonomy† (Judah 2000, p. 144). Hot arguments between elites triggered a tide of reciprocal convictions between the Croats and the Serbs. The Serbs were accused of the attempts to â€Å"Serbianize Croatia,† as Petar Segedin, the president of the Croatian Literary Society, has put it (Judah 2000, p. 146). Bosnia was covertly inflamed by statistics produced by Matica Hrvatska, a Croatian intellectual organisation, to prove the jeopardy of pan-Serbianism. Serbian intellectuals reacted accordingly. The Bosnians and the Serbian Kosovars wanted to get rid of the Albanians, who in turn went into streets demanding a republican status for the province and the establishment of an Albanian-language university in 1968. Despite the evident shift towards liberalism and decentralisation provided by the 1967 and 1971 amendments, there was an â€Å"upsurge of nationalism† that â€Å"met a harsh response† (Hudson 2003, p. 52) from the Yugoslav President. Tito was a proponent of ‘ethnic contracts’: â€Å"nationality or ethnic representatives met with the president in cabinet sessions, where strong differences were sometimes aired by group spokespersons behind closed doors† (Lake & Rothchild 1997, p. 115). The constitution of 1974 seemed to break a fragile balance between the ethnic groups inspired by nationalism (the discussion will continue in the sections above). Cottam (2004, p. 201) called the constitution â€Å"an example of †¦ reduction of power†: In that constitution, Tito gave Kosovo and Vojvodina more power and autonomy (their own assembly, representation in the Serbian assembly, and a turn in the rotating presidency), Serbian power was reduced, and the other republics were reassured that Serbia would not be able to control the federal government. (Cottam 2004, p. 201) It seems that constitutional amendments were introduced partly in response to â€Å"nationalists who favoured the concentration of power with the republican elites† (Hudson 2003, p. 53). Tito warned about the menace caused by those emerging local elites in 1972. By 1980, when he died leaving no political heir to delegate powers to, the Yugoslav power-sharing system – â€Å"a form of coordination in which a somewhat autonomous state and a number of less autonomous ethnic-based and other interests engage in a process of mutual accommodation in accordance with commonly accepted procedural norms, rules, or understandings† (Lake & Rothchild 1997, p. 115) – collapsed. As Chary (2000, p. 735) stated: Tito could not solve all of Yugoslavia’s problems. He was never able truly to unite the country, and hostility among the nationalities remained, although he was able to keep them under control while he lived. When he died, however, these burst forward with a new fury. Post- Tito debate Cottam (2004, p. 201) described the situation in Yugoslavia immediately after Tito’s death in 1980: †¦ the economy was on a downward spiral, and no political leader had emerged who could fill Tito’s role as national unifier. †¦ He did not promote a successor, but instead developed the peculiar idea of a rotating federal presidency, which would rotate among the republics annually. This made it virtually impossible for any single political figure to emerge as a national leader, and it fueled the rise of nationalism among the separate nationalities in Yugoslavia. Despite the economic and political turmoils, as Popov (2000, p. 96) stated, â€Å"[e]ven after his death, Tito’s authority was untouchable.† Dimitrijević (2000, p. 424) also acknowledged that new political leaders (e.g., MiloÃ… ¡ević) were â€Å"actively protecting the cult of Tito’s personality primarily to please the army.† The concept of â€Å"collective leadership† introduced by Tito was aired by the 1980-leadership as â€Å"After Tito – Tito!† (Judah 2000, p. 156). Doder (1993, p. 3) once has remarked that â€Å"Tito’s strong hand was replaced by a council of bland ethnic chieftains.† It has been already noted that Yugoslavia represented an ethnical mosaic with people of different national backgrounds living under the same federal roof. Of course, by the 1980s the SFRY has stopped being an ideal federation where the units equally and eagerly complied with the economic and political dictatorship of the federal center. Since 1963, the Yugoslav leadership attempted at least formulaic retreats towards the ideas of republican individuality and decentralisation . The 1974 SFRY Constitution has granted the status of a â€Å"‘socialist, self-managing, democratic community’ of working people and citizens, and of the particular set of nations and nationalities comprised by it†Ã¢â‚¬  (Burg 1982, p. 141) to each of the republics and autonomous lands. They received a greater portion of authority in regard to decision-making at the local and federal levels. The paradox was that â€Å"Yugoslavia [appeared to be] a country without Yugoslavs† (Lendvai & Parcell 1991, p. 253). In other words, artificially drawn borders failed to coincide with cultural demarcation lines inherited by national memories. In regard to national self-identification, Sekulić, Massey and Hodson (1994) found out that the census category of ‘Yugoslav’ was introduced only in 1961, thus fifteen years upon the creation of the SFRY. However, the term denoted not all citizens of the federation, but â€Å"‘nationally noncommitted persons,’ and was treated as a residual category for those who offered no particular national identity† (Sekulić, Massey & Hodson 1994, p. 84). The identifier ‘Yugoslav’ was eagerly utilized by the Bosnians and the Kosovars of Muslim confession who protested against registering themselves as ‘Serbs’ or ‘Croats’ in the 1961 national census. By 1981, however, more and more people started identifying themselves as ‘Yugoslav’ in Croatia, Vojvodina and even Bosnia. Apart from the trend, the Kosovars preferred to register themselves as either ‘Albans’ or ‘Serbs.’ The trend points at the rise of national self-identification that climaxed after Tito’s death. In the early 1980s, as Burg (1982, p. 133) observed, â€Å"Despite the evolution of consensual decision-making practices, †¦ neither the central party leadership nor the federal government could resolve the conflicts that divided their members, and each fell victim to paralyzing deadlock.† The most vivid example of the post-Tito political imbalance was Kosovo. Hudson (2003, p. 64) called it â€Å"a powerful symbol in Serbian history.† However, the majority (85 percent) of the people who inhabited that autonomous province in the 1980s were ethnical Albanians. The constitution of 1974 granted Kosovo that was dominated by the Albanians enough voting power to take part in presidential and other elections, but many Albanian radical nationalists treated it as minor â€Å"step on the way to a Greater Albania† (Hudson 2003, p. 64). The Kosovan Albanians marched to the streets in 1981 to demand a republican status for their province and, in some ultimate cases, for the unification of Kosovo with Albania. The Yugoslav army entered Kosovo in the late 1983 to face terrorism in response to mass arrests (Hudson says that almost 7,000 people were arrested throughout the 1980s for nationalist activity in Kosovo). The minor group of Kosovars who were Serbs by origin fled the province. Stories began to circulate about the ‘persecution’ of Kosovo Serbs, the destruction of their churches and graveyards and frequent acts of violence. For every real incident, though, the rumour mill could fabricate a thousand more. (Judah 2000, p. 156) The poisonous smog of mythmaking and resurrection of past nationalist sorrows and grievances could not be dispelled by â€Å"the party [that] was governed by conservative nonentities who had been recalled by Tito from retirement, in conjunction with the obedient apparatchiks who had replaced the liberals and technocrats ten years earlier and who had been promoted on the basis of the criteria of obedience and faithful repetition of current slogans† (Dimitrijević 2000, p. 421). As Van Evera (1997, p. 54) has stated, such leadership’s bankruptcy in face of ideological distortion was logical in case of the post-Tito Yugoslavia: Democratic regimes are less prone to mythmaking, because such regimes are usually more legitimate and are free-speech tolerant; hence they can develop evaluative institutions to weed out nationalist myth. Absolutist dictatorships that possess a massive military superiority over their citizens are also less prone to mythmaking, because they can survive without it. The most dangerous regimes are those that depend on some measure of popular consent, but are narrowly governed by unrepresentative elites. Things are still worse if these governments are poorly institutionalized, are incompetent or corrupt for other reasons, or face overwhelming problems that exceed their governing capacities. The case of Kosovo contributed to the wave of Serbian nationalism. As Kozhemiakin (1998, p. 73) observed, â€Å"The most active revisionists were Serbs who were discontented with the structure of the federal system created by Tito †¦ and its alleged discrimination against Serbia.† Once Lendvai & Parcell (1991, p. 253) named four reasons for the nationality problem of Yugoslavia: â€Å"a fundamental conflict between federalism and centralization, a situation in which the largest nation’s overriding claims to power come up against the defence of the interests of the smaller nations and minorities,† â€Å"the bankruptcy of so-called ‘self-management socialism’,† â€Å"economic crisis† and â€Å"the North-South divide within the state.† The access of revisionism on the part of Serbs fitted their national leadership’s call for liberal democracy, that is â€Å"reformists were seeking to mobilize broader popular sentiment against conservative positions among party rank-and-file as well as the wider population, at a time when the economic crisis had discredited the conservatives’ ideological stance† (Gagnon 1997, p. 148). Although any remote possibility of liberalism sent shivers down the spine of Slobodan MiloÃ… ¡ević, a new Chairman of the Serbian League of Communists since 1986, it was he who unified Serbs under the slogan â€Å"No one should be allowed to beat you!† (as cited in Hudson 2003, p. 70) announced on the Kosovo battlefield, another cultural icon for the Serbs, in April 1987. By 1989, the autonomy of Vojvodina and Kosovo within the Serbian republic was abolished. Kosovo was stirred up by Albanian miners who protested against the Serbian expansion. The protestants were publicly justified by the Slovene president Milan Kućan that caused Serbs a great pain. Hudson (2003, pp. 70-71) stated on the point: Milosević’s championing of the Serbian cause against the autonomous provinces was in a sense ‘saying what had for long been unsayable under the prohibitions of the Titoist state. The political inconsistencies of the constitution served as an easily identifiable â€Å"cause† for the multiplicity of ills afflicting post-Tito Serbia. Thus, the terrible impact of the IMF [International Monetary Fund] reforms, which had exacerbated and compounded the tendencies towards secessionism in Slovenia and Croatia, also contributed to the rise of Serbian nationalism. (Hudson 2003,) In other words, it seems that not only MiloÃ… ¡ević was to be blamed for the disintegration of the Yugoslav state and the mass hysteria of nationalism torturing the South Slavs throughout the 1990s. To conclude the section about the post-Tito debates about the future of Yugoslavia without its charismatic proponent of Non-Alignment Communism and the artificially centralized federation, it makes sense to return to Sekulić, Massey and Hodson’s research (1994). The scholars observed a significant shift in public opinion from the consolidated Yugoslav national identity to the nation- and ethnic-specific formulations. The shift was made especially vivid from 1985 to 1989 across Croatia, Bosnia and Serbia. The American scholars stated that the Yugoslav national identity was significantly affected by four factors: modernization, political participation, demographic factors, and majority/minority status. They emphasized that the concept of ‘Yugoslavism’ became a defensive strategy for the communities portrayed as minority nationalities (the cases of Croat-born individuals in Bosnia and Serbia, and of Serbs in Croatia). Sekulić, Massey and Hodson (1994, p. 95) finally stated: While this failure to establish a shared identity among the people of this region cannot be said to explain the disintegration of Yugoslavia, it is apparent that a shared identity was not much in evidence as a mediating mechanism sustaining Yugoslavia through difficult transitions or slowing its disintegration into warring national camps. Without any restrictive mechanisms to stop the SFRY disintegration, the country sloped down into the chaos of national conflicts. New Elites, Old Leaders’ Policy:   Post-Federalism Judah (2000) was evidently right saying that â€Å"history is accelerating† (p. 295), meaning that, â€Å"While the great empires of the past †¦ lasted for centuries, ‘modern’ empires are increasingly short-lived affairs.† The researcher also demonstrated that history repeated itself when he restored â€Å"all the old arguments which had so sapped the Yugoslavia born in 1918† (Judah 2000, p. 104). In 1918, Stjepan Radić, the leader of the Croatian Peasant Party, declared to the deputies of a National Council of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs: †¦ you think it is enough to say we Croats, Serbs, and Slovenes are one people because we speak one language and that on account of this we must also have a unitary centralist state †¦ and that only such a linguistic and state unity can make us happy. . . . our peasant in general, and especially our Croat peasant, does not wish to hear one more thing about †¦ a state which you are imposing on him by force. . . . You think that you can frighten the people and that in this way you will win the people to your politics. Maybe you will win the Slovenes, I do not know. Maybe you will also win the Serbs. But I am certain that you will never win the Croats . . . because the whole Croat peasant people are equally against your centralism as against militarism, equally for a republic as for a popular agreement with the Serbs. And should you want to impose your centralism by force, this will happen. We Croats shall say openly and clearly: If the Serbs really want to have such a centralist state and government, may God bless them with it, but we Croats do not want any state organization except a confederated federal republic. (as cited in Judah 2000, pp. 105-6) Radić was excluded from the party for his words, and the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes was declared on 1 December 1918. From this date onwards people of Yugoslavia could at least hope for, if not live in, the state where every nation would enjoy equality and solidarity. The Yugoslav constitution of 1974 put an end to those idealistic aspirations. Dimitrijević (2000, p. 399) named it to be â€Å"one of the reasons for the civil war in that country, or at least as one of the contributing factors leading to Yugoslavia’s disorderly and bloody dissolution.† The document’s aim was to smooth †¦ a general pattern of inter-regional and inter-ethnic fragmentation which had occurred in the late 1960s but which Tito had sharply quashed through the ‘surgical’ use of military police power and political purges of the regional party machines. (Cohen 1992, p. 304) Pursuing such goal, the constitution of 1974 allowed a few liberal amendments conducted in 1971 in favor of republics and autonomous regions. As Burg (1982) observed, the Montenegro region was able to extend the conceptual framework of ‘the republic’ by introducing categorization by ethnicity. A functionary of the Montenegrin regional parliament notes that â€Å"public discussions of the Draft Constitution showed that the constitutional definition of the republic has politico-psychological significance. . . .† Added to the draft definition was a section that â€Å"emphasizes that Montenegro is the state of the Montenegrin people and members of other nations and nationalities. . . .† (Burg 1982, p. 141) Serbia was defined as â€Å"†the state of the Serbian people and parts of other nations and nationalities who live and realize their sovereign rights in it† (Burg 1982, p. 141). Despite those â€Å"concessions to the linguistic, cultural and corporate political rights of the nations and nationalities,† as Burg (1982, p. 142) observed, the constitution of 1974 â€Å"continues to hold the line against changes that might threaten the cohesiveness of Yugoslav society.† However, in 1992 it became apparent that those few ‘concessions’ became a ‘magic stick’ for â€Å"ethno-regional political and bureaucratic elites† that allowed them â€Å"to substantially advance their autonomy and power during the 1980s† (Cohen 1992, p. 304). Dimitrijević (2000) argued that the constitution of 1974 contained at least some grains of confederate structure that would be possible for Yugoslavia on due time. Article 3 defined the republics as state structures organized according to the principles of ‘sovereignty’ and ‘equal rights.’ Dimitrijević stressed that the term ‘sovereignty’ was used only in regard to the republics but not the federation itself. Part I of Basic Principles became â€Å"an ominous statement† (Dimitrijević 2000, p. 406) in this context so far as it talked about â€Å"the right to secession, on the basis of their will freely expressed in the common struggle of all nations and nationalities in the National Liberation War and Socialist Revolution, and in conformity with their historic aspirations† (as cited in Dimitrijević 2000, p. 406). A reference to ‘historic aspirations’ was really dangerous. As Van Evera (1997, p. 46) has noted, when â€Å"the groups with the greatest historic grievances [are] also the groups with the greatest power,† such â€Å"combination brings together both the motive and the capacity to make trouble† and becomes really explosive. This happened when MiloÃ… ¡ević initiated the â€Å"wave of nationalist euphoria† (Judah 2000, p. 163), and †¦ the Serbs were going through an exercise of mass catharsis. All the old fears and the old banned nationalist songs bubbled back up to the surface. (Judah 2000, p. 163) The Serbs always used to victimize themselves and, to be sincere, they had enough reasons to do so. However, that aggrievement, as Van Evera, was far from being passive. General Veljko Kadijević, Yugoslavia’s defence minister, played a significant role in arming the Serbs’ national grievance. By 1990 the Yugoslav military adopted the system of the Territorial Defence (TO) and Total National Defence. This meant that, apart from the regular army, each republic had reserve forces to call upon in the event of war. These were to be local forces which, in the event of a breakdown in communications, would be able to continue functioning on their own. For political guidance they would work closely with the leadership of the local Communist Party. By substituting the Communist Party with the SDS [Serbian Democratic Party], the Serbian leadership was able to make use of the TO system for mass mobilisations of Serbs in what was to become Krajina and then in Bosnia. (Judah 2000, p. 170) When Slovenia declared independence on 25 June, 1991, within the following forty-eight hours the Yugoslav People’s Army (JNA) attempted to retake the Slovene border that had turned from the inter-republican into the international one. The Slovene TO forces blocked the JNA soldiers who were predominantly conscripts. As Judah (2000, pp. 178-9) observed, The fact that the army had got involved in fighting in Slovenia was at the time seen by some as proof that nostalgic communist generals were desperate to preserve the old country. In fact it was nothing of the kind. Many people were of course deeply confused and loyalties were divided, but in the end men like Kadijević had already made the decision that as Yugoslavia was dying they had little choice but to seize as much of it as they could for the Serbs. Judging from the researchers’ accounts (Judah 2000; Hudson 2000; Dimitrijević 2000), there could be no bloodshed if there was a chance of a proper confederalizing process. Dimitrijević (2000, p. 421) blamed †¦ constitutional experts, political scientists and jurists who do not seem to have made any effort to provide constitutional solutions for real political difficulties, to secure alternative decision making in the case of the failure of the party system and thus not to save Yugoslavia if it was not wanted, but to increase the chances for a reasonable transition into explicitly confederate arrangements and the peaceful dissolution or separation of the constituent units. Another group of researchers (Gagnon 1997; Snyder & Ballentine 1996) accused Yugoslav political and military elites of playing with the dangerous fire of nationalism. Snyder and Ballentine (1996) argued that nationalism could be an incident product of the old and new elites re-arranging the informational marketplace in democratizing states. Snyder and Ballentine (1996, p. 10) introduced the concept of ‘the marketplace of ideas† as the situation â€Å"in which contending discourses and evidence confront each other directly on an even playing field.† The scholars argued that the Yugoslav marketplace of ideas was highly segmented in the 1980s that caused an informational imbalance: Tito’s decentralizing reforms of the 1960s, which were intended in part to assuage and defuse ethno-nationalism, put Yugoslavia’s media in the hands of regional leaderships, which in the 1980s fell into the hands of nationalists like MiloÃ… ¡ević. This federalization of power left pan-Yugoslav reformers like Ante Marković with no instrument for transcending the Serb and Croat nationalists’ media monopoly over their respective ethnic niche markets. (Snyder & Ballentine 1996, p. 21) It seems that the post-Tito Yugoslavia was a place where a severe intra-elite competition took place. Cohen (1992, p. 302) spoke about â€Å"the impressive pluralization of the Yugoslav political landscape† after Tito, accompanied by the lamentably â€Å"rapid erosion of federal authority.† Prime Minister Ante Marković, who had skillfully reoriented federal government policy along post-socialist reformist lines, made an admirable effort to implement country-wide economic and political changes during 1990, but his ability to fully accomplish such measures was stymied by the autarkic policies of contending ethno-regional elites. Marković’s formation of a federally-oriented party in mid-1990 – the Alliance of Reform Forces – to garner support for the unity of the country looked initially promising, but the Alliance did poorly against ethnically and regionally-oriented parties in the republican elections. (Cohen 1992, p. 302) Snyder & Ballentine (1996, p. 16) explained the shifts of political regime on the scale from autocratic to pluralistic in economic terms: As a democratizing political system opens up, old elites and rising counter-elites must compete for the support of new entrants into the marketplace through popular appeals, including appeals to the purported common interests of elites and mass groups in pursuing nationalistic aims against out-groups. In many instances, including the case of Serbian President Slobodan MiloÃ… ¡ević, these elites evince little interest in nationalism until rising pressure for mass political participation gives them an incentive to do so. It is interesting that Gagnon (1997, p. 134) also talked about elites manipulating public opinion and remaking a political scene to suit their needs: †¦ violent conflict along ethnic cleavages is provoked by elites in order to create a domestic political context where ethnicity is the only politically relevant identity. It thereby constructs the individual interest of the broader population in terms of the threat to the community defined in ethnic terms. Such a strategy is a response by ruling elites to shifts in the structure of domestic political and economic power: by constructing individual interest in terms of the threat to the group, endangered elites can fend off domestic challengers who seek to mobilize the population against the status quo, and can better position themselves to deal with future challenges. Gagnon pointed an indicative finger solely at Serbian elite for all the internal wars that shook Yugoslavia in the 1990s. Conversely, Hudson (2003) referred to Croatian and Bosnian Muslim nationalists as warmongers. But the researcher saved even bitterer accusations for international elites: Without the prospect – and eventual achievement – of international recognition, and the acceptance by a number of foreign states of the arguments of the nationalists, it is possible that a negotiated settlement could have been arrived at which would either have maintained some form of Yugoslavia, or achieved a peaceful dissolution. (Hudson 2003, p. 89) To provide an account of Yugoslavia sliding towards disintegration, it makes sense to summarize the viewpoints of that time Yugoslav political leaders in regard to the federation/confederation dichotomy. Serbs, Croats and Muslims were the groups most susceptible to nationalism so far as they were scattered across the republics and districts. Two of those groups identified themselves as ‘nations’ by language, history, and culture, whereas Muslims distinguished themselves from the other Yugoslavs on the principle of confession. Both Serbs and Croats had their own republics of Serbia and Croatia, respectively, but each republic (as well as other regions) had the so-called ‘pockets,’ like Krajina between Serbia and Croatia or Kosovo, where various nations, nationalities and ethnic groups were closely intermingled. Montenegrins historically and culturally associated themselves with Serbs although did not want to lose their independence. Slovenia was rather ethnically homogenous, whereas Bosnia hosted people of not only various ethnicities but also of various confessions. As it has been mentioned above, a Bosnian Croat Marković who was the last Yugoslavia’s Prime Minister (March 1989 – December 1991) was the proponent of pan-Yugoslavism so that the country of South Slavs despite its motley ethnic composition would be a solid economic and political body. The Serbs insisted on centralization of the state that resembled a person who carried fire in one hand and water in the other. The Serb leadership called for preserving the federal structure because in case of confederalizing many Serbs would stay outside the Serbian Republic borders. The Bosnians initially supported the idea of a centralized state, whereas the Croats and Slovenes violently opposed it, demanding either to weaken federative bonds or let them secede. In such a hot atmosphere, the Yugoslavs stepped into â€Å"the idiotic chaos in which the state died† (Judah 2000, p. 109). The Slide toward Disintegration Slovenia declared independence on 25 June, 1991, and issued its declaration of sovereignty in July 1991. Croatia seceded from the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY) the same day as Slovenia although it declared independence only on October 8, 1991. Thus, these two former SFRY-republics were the first to flee the burning house of Yugoslavia despite loud protests of Serbs, both the Belgrade leadership and the common people from northern Dalmatia, Lika, the Kordun, and Banija that were situated in the then sovereign Croatia. By that time, those Serbs who lived on the territory of then sovereign Croatia have already tasted all bitterness of Tudjman’s regime. Croats elected Franjo Tudjman, the leader of Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ), as president in May, 1990, †¦ in an anti-semitic, anti-Serb campaign under slogans such as ‘a thousand years of uninterrupted Croatian statehood’. †¦ Slogans like ‘Croatia for the Croats only’, led to excesses against the Serbs, who were not only pushed out of their positions in the police force – a move authorized by the Croatian government, but also from posts in administration and enterprises. (Hudson 2003, p. 79) Once could say that a catastrophe started in January 1990, when Slovenian deputies aired their vision of the Yugoslav Communist League as â€Å"an alliance of republican communist parties† (Hudson 2003, p. 78) at the YCL’s Extraordinary 14th Congress session. They aimed at diminishing the authority of the old partocracy and to pave the road for secession. In April 1990, Milan Kućan, once a communist and then the leader of a centre-right coalition, has easily won the republican elections in Slovenia. In May 1990, the Yugoslav Communist League was dissolved by the Yugoslav Congress, and multi-party elections were held in all republics. By that time the Serbs of the Serbian Republic have been applauding to the three-component strategy of the conservatives and their leader MiloÃ… ¡ević who formally assumed presidency on 8 May 1989. MiloÃ… ¡ević and his allies have already indisposed the Yugoslav army against internal and external enemies, more or less successfully repressed the reported cases of ethnic â€Å"genocide† against Serbs from Kosovan Albanians, and have made multiple attempts â€Å"to portray Serbia as the victim of Yugoslavia, setting the stage for attacks on the other republics’ autonomy free multi-party elections† (Gagnon 1997, p. 150). The Serbian new elite were obsessed with the idea of ‘Pan-Serbianism.’ By the fall of 1990 the Serbian conservative government had dissolved the Kosovo Assembly whose Albanian delegates drafted a 140-article Constitution of the â€Å"sovereign Republic of Kosovo† demanding a status of independent Yugoslavia’s unit for their autonomous district. As Cohen (1992, p. 310) have noted, â€Å"The Serbian government labelled the ‘so-called’ Constitution as an illegitimate action on the part of ‘a movement directly and exclusively targeted at the breaking up the territorial integrity of Serbia and Yugoslavia’.† In 1990, as Judah (2000, p. 165) observed, only Bosnians â€Å"were still talking about keeping Yugoslavia together,† whereas â€Å"MiloÃ… ¡ević ‘s Serbian nationalism was the greatest boost to Tudjman’s Croatian nationalism, [so] that the Pandora’s box had been opened [and] there was no shuttin g it.† On 12 May 1991 referendum in Krajina was held for the local Serbs to choose either to join the Republic of Serbia, â€Å"and thus remain in Yugoslavia with Serbia, Montenegro and others that want to preserve Yugoslavia† (Judah 2000, p. 180), or be labelled as predators. It was one of many Serbian referendums that were to punctuate the political landscape over the next few years. It was a farce dressed up as democracy, by which people who had been bombarded by a single media message were herded to the polls to turn in the requisite popular mandate for the authorities. There was never any public debate on the question and it could be assumed that if you were not going to vote as the authorities wanted then you were not a Serb and hence had no right still to be living where you were. (Judah 2000, p. 180) On June 30, 1991, the Council for the Defense of the Constitution held a secret meeting, when the Serbian representative, Borislav Jović, officially stated that the Serbian leadership would not object to Slovene secession. The Federal Defense Secretary at the time, General Veljko Kadijević, warned that once Slovenia was let go, the JNA would defend the borders of a new Yugoslavia. Judah (2000, p. 178) called that meeting â€Å"simply the last nail in Yugoslavia’s coffin.† To utilize the concept proposed by Snyder and Ballentine (1996), the Yugoslavian ‘marketplace of ideas’ was not only segmented but multi-layered. That was a time of secret alliances and councils’ closed sessions. In public the presidents of the six republics were still arguing about whether some form of Yugoslavia could be preserved. MiloÃ… ¡ević wanted a ‘modern federation’, which was code for Serbian domination. Kućan and Tudjman wanted ‘an asymmetric federation’, which was code for independence while still enjoying the benefits of Yugoslavia without paying for them. Alija Izetbegović of Bosnia and Kiro Gligorov of Macedonia argued for a compromise, but having little political clout they were ignored. (Judah 2000, p. 180) Gagnon (1997, p. 157) directly called the elite’s policy of shaping public opinion Machiavellian: The Serbian conservatives’ response was to continue to demonize other ethnic nationalities, and also to begin provoking confrontations and violent conflicts along ethnic lines and to discredit the very idea of a federal Yugoslavia, calling it the creation of a Vatican-Comintern conspiracy. While the public had to listen to those hypocritical debates in media, the so-called RAM plan was secretly adopted in 1991-1992. It was said to allow the Serb occupation of territory in Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina and the invasion of the JNA troops into a Muslim area. Croatia and Serbia armed at full speed and started mutual firebombing. On 27 April 1992, the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY) was founded as comprising Serbia and Montenegro. It was supposed to enlarge the FRY at the expense of Krajina and some territories carved from Bosnia-Herzegovina to form the Republika Srpska. The FRY constitution proclaimed the newly born state to be the successor state of the old Yugoslavia that caused active protests from other former republics. And only a decade later people could read the sincere opinion of one of the key figures of that period on the issue of preserving Yugoslavia.   Judah (2000, p. 201) reported that on 23 January 1992 Nikola Koljević, once a teacher from Sarajevo and then one of the most radical pro-Serbian nationalists from the SDS (Serbian Democratic Party), said: It’s time to stop this absurd idea of a mini-Yugoslavia this is just a game. If only Serbs and Montenegrins want it, what’s the point of trying to force others to stay? We should start thinking in terms of a new federation of Serb lands. When the SDS leader was pronouncing those words, the Serbs (still federals) and Croats (already non-Yugoslavs) have just agreed to cease fire under the pressure of international community. The Bosnian Serbs have gone through a referendum held in November 1991, in which they voted down the possibility of Bosnia secession from Yugoslavia. A month later upon Koljević’s confession on the issue of federalism, Bosnia-Hercegovina declared its independence. That resulted in the Republika Srpska (created by Serbs leaving in Bosnia-Hercegovina) declaring its own independence under the leadership of Radovan Karadzić. The civil war in Bosnia between Serbs, Croats, and Muslims continued for three and a half years ending on 1 November 1995 due to the armed interference of the United States, United Nations and NATO military forces. In 1997, MiloÃ… ¡ević was elected President of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavi. The third wave of terror and aggression poured down onto Yugoslavia at night between March 24 and 25 1999 when the United States bombed Belgrade in response to the reports of Kosovan Albanians about Serbs treating them inappropriately. On 9 June the same year Yugoslav military leaderships agreed to remove their forces from Kosovo in exchange to the withdrawal of the NATO army and the entry of an international security force. The bombardment was stopped on 10 June with the adoption of UN Resolution 1244. In September 2000, MiloÃ… ¡ević lost in the Yugoslav presidential election. As Hudson (2003, p. 138) observed: The US and the EU used these elections finally to achieve what they had been trying to do for over a decade, and had failed to do through bombing – to satisfy their own economic and strategic goals in the post-Soviet period. These included the integration of all of the component republics of the former Yugoslavia into the free-market economic system, and the removal of a government in Belgrade which had not only a socialist economic orientation, but also a strategic orientation away from NATO and towards Russia. That was the end of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Conclusion One would say that it was Serb nationalism that provoked counternationalism in other Yugoslav republics. However, it would be better to state without bias that Serbs are to be blamed as much as Croats or Albanians in the dissolution of Yugoslavia and mass killings. On the level of the state or quasi-state, new elites used national claims over pieces of Yugoslavia’s territory (that was an ethnic mosaic) to pursue their own economic and political goals. The struggle for power was not only for Serbian or Albanian control over Kosovo but for power per se. 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